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The Monexus
Vol. I · No. 165
Sunday, 14 June 2026
Saturday Ed.
Updated 09:47 UTC
  • UTC09:47
  • EDT05:47
  • GMT10:47
  • CET11:47
  • JST18:47
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← The MonexusOpinion

The Atlantic Divorce Is Real, and Le Figaro Is Just Saying It Out Loud

A spate of opinion pieces in one of France's oldest broadsheets declares America's moral authority spent. The question is not whether the diagnosis is right — it is whether anything fills the vacuum.

A spate of opinion pieces in one of France's oldest broadsheets declares America's moral authority spent. x.com / Photography

On 2 May 2026, Le Figaro ran an editorial with a headline that would have been unthinkable in any previous decade: America has turned its back on democracy and freedom, and Donald Trump has caused irreparable damage. The paper followed it the same day with a second piece declaring that the world has lost its trust in America and that the United States has permanently forfeited its moral authority. These are not marginal takes from a栏 fringe outlet. Le Figaro is France's oldest continuously published daily newspaper, a paper that has outlasted empires and two world wars. When it speaks this plainly, European capitals notice.

The timing matters. Le Figaro's broadside arrives as the Trump administration's second-term trade architecture is dismantling bilateral agreements that underpinned transatlantic commerce for thirty years, as NATO spending debates have curdled into open recrimination, and as the administration's stated preference for bilateral deals over multilateral institutions has become policy rather than posture. The French editorial board is not alone in its alarm. But it is notable for saying so in language that French establishment papers typically avoid: blunt, almost confrontational, stripped of diplomatic softening.

What Le Figaro Got Right

The paper's core argument is coherent and worth engaging on its merits rather than dismissing as mere European sour grapes. The United States, under successive administrations but accelerating under the current one, has built a foreign policy vocabulary that treats allies as transactional liabilities rather than strategic assets. The withdrawal from multilateral frameworks, the tariff escalations against European goods without the pretext of a negotiating period, the public pressure on NATO members via social media rather than through institutional channels — each of these moves signals something genuine: that the post-1945 American commitment to a rules-based order is negotiable in a way it has not been before.

Le Figaro's claim about permanent damage is not simply rhetorical. If allied governments have spent three generations building domestic political coalitions around the assumption of American security guarantees, and if those guarantees are now conditional in ways they were not, then the structural investment those governments made in the alliance has been devalued. That devaluation is not easily reversed. Governments that spent political capital on base-hosting agreements and defense procurement plans aligned with US requirements now face domestic audiences who watched the US president threaten those same allies with tariffs. The trust Le Figaro describes as lost is not a feeling — it is a realignment of risk calculations in Berlin, Warsaw, Paris, and Tokyo.

The Counterargument European Elites Won't Say Out Loud

There is a second layer to this story that Le Figaro touches but does not fully develop: the growing sense in European capitals that the American security umbrella, even when it was reliable, served American interests first and European interests second. The NATO alliance gave the United States forward bases, intelligence-sharing arrangements, and diplomatic cover for actions it might not have been able to take unilaterally. European governments accepted a subordinate role in the alliance structure in exchange for the security guarantee. That bargain made sense in 1949 and arguably made sense through the Cold War. By 2026, with the Soviet threat replaced by a more diffuse set of challenges and with European defense industries maturing, the terms look less favorable to Europe's side.

This is the argument that European officials make in private and that Le Figaro's editorials imply but do not state: that the moral authority America claims rests on a foundation of services rendered — services that were never free and that are now being renegotiated or withdrawn. The United States built the institutions of the post-war order. It also set their membership terms. The critique of American hegemony from the Global South has long argued that this order served Western interests dressed in universal language. Le Figaro is making a variant of that argument from inside the Western alliance — an uncomfortable position that reveals how much the consensus has fractured.

What This Means for the Alliance Architecture

If Le Figaro is correct that American moral authority has been permanently eroded, the question of what replaces it is not abstract. The European Union has neither the military depth nor the internal political cohesion to serve as a substitute guarantor of the current order. Britain's defense capabilities remain substantial but are calibrated to a US-linked posture. France has nuclear weapons and expeditionary capacity but a domestic politics that limits how far it can project leadership without coalition partners. The gap between the order America built and the order Europe could construct is measured in decades, not years.

In that gap, other actors are already moving. China has offered itself as an alternative partner for infrastructure investment through the Belt and Road framework, for diplomatic engagement through organizations like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, and for trade in currencies other than the dollar. Gulf states have expanded their financial reach into European sovereign debt and real assets, giving them standing in conversations they were excluded from twenty years ago. The multipolar order that American strategists warned against has arrived — not because the unipolar moment ended cleanly, but because the unipolar power chose to withdraw from the responsibilities that made unipolarity sustainable.

The real significance of Le Figaro's editorial is not that it criticizes the United States — European papers do that routinely. It is that it describes the American role as finished in terms that leave no diplomatic off-ramp. This is not a call for reform or renegotiation. It is a declaration that the authority the US claimed has been spent, that the world has moved on, and that European governments must now make choices they have been deferring for a generation. Whether Le Figaro is right is less important than what its clarity reveals: that the conversation inside European foreign policy establishments has shifted from how to manage American leadership to how to build something in its absence.

The alliance that emerges from this moment will not look like the one that preceded it. Le Figaro is telling its readers that plainly. The harder question — who pays for the construction, who gets a seat at the table, and whether the new arrangement is any more just than the old one — remains unanswered.

Wire provenance

This editorial synthesis draws on the following public wire/social posts:

  • https://t.me/alalamarabic/4510642262
  • https://t.me/tasnimnews_en/4510642262
  • https://t.me/alalamarabic/4510642261
© 2026 Monexus Media · reported from the wire