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Vol. I · No. 163
Friday, 12 June 2026
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Americas

US Push to Oust Cuba's President Tests Washington's Hemispheric Standing

A Financial Times investigation revealing US government efforts to remove Cuban president Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez has sparked pushback from Havana and exposed the limits of Washington's leverage over a neighbour ninety miles offshore.
A Financial Times investigation revealing US government efforts to remove Cuban president Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez has sparked pushback from Havana and exposed the limits of Washington's leverage over a neighbour ninety miles offshore.
A Financial Times investigation revealing US government efforts to remove Cuban president Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez has sparked pushback from Havana and exposed the limits of Washington's leverage over a neighbour ninety miles offshore. / Al Jazeera / Photography

The Financial Times published on 24 May 2026 a detailed account of what it described as a coordinated campaign by the United States government to remove Cuban president Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez from office. Citing current and former American officials on condition of anonymity, the newspaper reported that the effort spans diplomatic isolation, economic pressure, and support for internal dissent — a strategy that senior figures in the administration have discussed openly in recent months.

The disclosure lands at a moment when Latin American governments have grown increasingly vocal about what they characterise as Washington's inability to accept sovereign neighbouring states on its own terms. Several regional leaders have responded to the report with direct criticism, framing the initiative as an extension of a Cold War-era posture that the rest of the hemisphere has largely moved beyond.

Cuba's foreign ministry issued a response within hours of the report's publication, calling the programme an act of aggression and a violation of international law. Havana's statement, carried by state media, described the campaign as a continuation of six decades of hostile US policy, arguing that the new effort differs in tactic but not in substance from the economic blockade that has defined the bilateral relationship since 1962.

The Mechanics of Pressure

The Financial Times report outlines several parallel tracks. Economic designation changes that tighten the scope of sanctions against Cuban entities and officials have been accelerated over the past two years, according to administration officials cited in the piece. Concurrently, visa and travel restrictions targeting Cuban security officials and members of the government have been expanded, with additional designations under consideration for later this year.

Separately, funding for Radio and TV Martí — the US government-funded broadcast services targeting the island — has been increased, and the State Department has expanded its outreach to Cuban civil society organisations outside the island. According to the officials cited by the Financial Times, the programme has also involved quiet diplomacy aimed at persuading third-party governments to reduce their engagement with Havana.

Former officials who served across multiple administrations told the Financial Times that the approach reflects a view held by a faction within the current White House that a change of leadership in Cuba is achievable through sustained external pressure. Critics inside the US foreign policy establishment, the report noted, argue that the strategy misreads domestic conditions on the island and overestimates the willingness of ordinary Cubans to risk confrontation with a security apparatus that remains firmly under state control.

Havana's Counter-Argument

Cuba's position, as articulated in its foreign ministry statement, rests on a structural critique that has resonance across the region. Havana argues that the US campaign ignores the degree to which Cuban governance has survived previous periods of acute pressure — including the collapse of Soviet-era subsidies in the early 1990s and the tightening of the embargo under both Democratic and Republican administrations. The state's capacity to manage internal dissent through a combination of economic patronage, security presence, and nationalist rhetoric has proven durable across multiple US administrations.

Cuban officials also note that the island's re-engagement with the wider Latin American and Caribbean community — particularly through bodies such as the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) and through bilateral relationships with countries including Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela — has given Havana diplomatic cover that did not exist during earlier periods of US pressure. Several of those governments have issued statements in recent months explicitly rejecting the extraterritorial application of US sanctions law.

State media in Cuba has covered the Financial Times report with a lead item emphasising the domestic political dimension. Reports from Havana noted that Díaz-Canel retains the support of the Communist Party apparatus and the armed forces — the two institutions that observers in Washington and Miami regard as the decisive variable in any succession scenario.

The Regional Context

The US-Cuba relationship occupies a distinctive position in Western Hemisphere politics. No other country in Latin America maintains the level of economic isolation from the United States that Cuba does, and no other bilateral tension generates the same intensity of opinion in Washington. The normalisation process initiated under Barack Obama's administration in 2014 — which included the release of Cuban prisoners, the removal of Cuba from the US list of state sponsors of terrorism, and the restoration of diplomatic relations — was reversed under the subsequent administration, which reverted to the sanctions-heavy posture that has defined US policy for most of the period since 1961.

Several Latin American governments have publicly diverged from Washington's Cuba policy in recent years. Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has described the embargo as counterproductive and called for dialogue rather than isolation. Mexico's government under Andrés Manuel López Obrador — and continuing under his successor — has refused to co-operate with US sanctions regimes targeting Cuban officials. Venezuelan state media, which has been closely watched by Havana throughout the current period of bilateral tension, carried the Financial Times report with commentary framing the US initiative as evidence of imperial overreach.

The broader context for this story includes a renewed contest over influence across the Caribbean and Central America, where China, Russia, and Iran have all expanded their diplomatic and economic footprint over the past decade. For Washington, Cuba's continued alignment with those powers — and the presence of a Chinese navy facility in the port of Santiago de Cuba — represents a strategic concern that goes beyond the ideological dimensions of the bilateral relationship.

What Remains Unresolved

The Financial Times report leaves several questions unanswered. The specific role of the National Security Council and whether the campaign has formal presidential authorisation is not clearly established from the officials cited. Whether the effort has a defined exit strategy — a set of conditions under which Washington would declare the campaign successful or abandon it — does not appear in the reporting. The gap between stated objective and achievable outcome is a distinction that current and former officials quoted in the piece acknowledge but do not resolve.

Equally unclear is how the campaign accounts for the structural barriers to regime change in Havana. The Cuban Communist Party retains centralised control over the security apparatus, the media, and the distribution of basic goods — levers of state power that have historically made external pressure an ineffective mechanism for forcing leadership change without a credible domestic alternative.

The hemisphere watching this story will note that Washington's public framing insists on supporting Cuban sovereignty while its documented actions seek to override the outcome of that sovereignty. Whether that contradiction can be sustained — and for how long — will depend on factors that the current officials cited have not publicly addressed: the durability of the Díaz-Canel government's internal consensus, the willingness of regional governments to continue providing diplomatic cover, and whether the economic pressure generates enough internal friction to alter the calculus in Havana. The Financial Times report makes clear that the administration has committed to the approach. Whether it has committed to the time horizon required is a question the sources do not yet answer.

Wire provenance

This editorial synthesis draws on the following public wire/social posts:

  • https://t.me/JahanTasnim/10182
  • https://t.me/JahanTasnim/10183
  • https://t.me/JahanTasnim/10184
  • https://t.me/JahanTasnim/10185
© 2026 Monexus Media · reported from the wire